In reconstructing the techniques used in ancient Greek pottery-making, there are limited sources with which to formulate theories. The articles and books which have been written about the ancient potters and their techniques do not rely on written sources, for they do not exist. Instead, these studies base their arguments on certain extant, mostly visual, data. By looking closely at inscriptions, signatures on ancient Greek vases, the remains of equipment, the chemical composition of modern clays, and paintings of pottery workshops, potters and vase-painters on the vases themselves, much has been deciphered about the workings of the Athenian potter's quarters (Kerameikos) and the objects made there.1

There are some inscriptions in stone by or about potters, most notably on the Acropolis.2 Some vases were signed by their makers, and comparison of that information has led to an understanding of the relative chronology of potters, painters and their workshops, as well as the identification of some of the potters and vase-painters themselves, especially those who were most technically proficient.3 There are also a few gems and stelae which have been found with depictions of potters or painters; many of them are not in good condition.4 The sources which provide the most information are the pots themselves. Comparing the imagery of pottery workshops on ancient Greek vases illustrates much about the methods of making, painting and firing the pots as well as some of the social activity that transpired during all of these processes.

This paper focuses on the depictions of pottery workshops, potters and vase-painters on ancient Greek vases. It also serves as a compilation of the major images and theories that have been presented in books and journals to this date. This study is organized to follow the stages of pottery-making as they are shown on the vases. Most of the published images on ancient Greek pottery making are presented here, except for a few redundant images which have been omitted.

Around 600 BC, Athens became the center of the pottery trade in the Aegean. The development of black-figure and red-figure pottery in Athens produced some of the finest ware that has ever been made. The excavation of potters' quarters in Corinth and in Athens demonstrates that potters had their workshops close together in these cities. R.M. Cook has calculated that even at the height of productivity in the pottery industry, these areas were small and the final total of painters and workshops during the high period in Athens probably did not exceed 500.5 Exports played an important part in the industry and their distribution is substantiated by finds of Corinthian vases in Etruria and Laconian vases in numerous locations on the European continent. Exports usually occured from Chios to Naucratis or Aegina and from the Aegean to Italy or Sicily, although that route was probably more difficult.6

Several pinakes were found at Penteskouphia, near Corinth, which illustrate pottery-making scenes. A fragment of a black-figure Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 831B) depicts a sailing ship with a cargo of pottery--it is the only image which refers to the transport of Greek vases (plate I.)7 Only a part of the ship is depicted, and the sail is wrapped around the mast with the supporting ropes at the sides. The pots painted in the upper right corner are only symbolically attached to the ship and are not an accurate example of shipping methods. Certainly pots could not have been suspended so close to one another in transport--the action of the waves would have broken them. Richter believes that they simply indicate the cargo and that the tablet "is probably an offering of a merchant to the sea-god Poseidon for the safe conduct of his precious consignment to foreign lands."8 More accurate conclusions about shipping can probably be reached by examining the shapes of pots themselves, such as the pointed amphoras which were fitted into holes in the floor of a boat during shipment. Caution must be practiced in interpreting the images on pots because they may not be literal. The repetition of a particular image on various vases helps to validate its legitimacy.

A red-figure kylix by Phintias bears a second image that relates to the pottery trade; it shows a client in a potter's shop (plate 2.)9 The patron holds his walking stick and purse while examining the stacked ware to his right. This kylix demonstrates how pots may have been set up to be sold although it tells us little else about the mechanisms of the sale or the prices involved. A few vases retained price markings on their bases. From these notations, R.M. Cook calculated some prices for ancient Greek ware--decorated hydriai sold for around 2-3 drachmas while kraters sold for approximately 4 drachmas.10 The rest of the images which relate to pottery on Greek vases depict pottery-making processes.
The technical expertise of the Greek potters depended in part on the quality of their clay. Athens today has a number of areas with large, natural clay deposits which are relatively pure and free of mineral deposits.11 One impurity that Attic clay has is an abundance of iron, which does not affect any process of forming but which causes the red color of the pottery made from it. Spectrographic analysis has demonstrated that modern clay in Athens has the same chemical composition as that of ancient clay from the region. Thus, many experiments done with modern clay clarify some ancient techniques; Noble is one of a few writers who bases his theories about glazing and firing ancient Greek pots on their results.12 Natural, Athenian clay allowed for the production of incredibly fine ware--the purest clay was essential for making delicate forms, while less pure clay was typically used for larger, rougher forms.

Clay was removed from the clay pits and then processed. A black-figure Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 871) shows workers digging the clay out of a pit (plate 3.)13 Three men are in the pit with various tools while a woman leans over the edge to take the clay that has been dug out. This is one of only a few depictions of a woman involved in the pottery-making process (see also the red-figure hydria in Munich [No. 1717] plate 21.) The man on the right has a pick which he is using to dig at the wall; an empty spot indicates the area where he is working. From his waist hangs an aryballos. Roughly drawn at his feet are steps in the pit which may have been carved by the workmen to facilitate access to the upper reaches of the area. These steps were also probably necessary because the slippery, wet clay made movement difficult. The steps are echoed in the left wall and are presumably those which will be used to exit the pit since the woman is removing clay from that side. Kneeling down is another worker holding a basket with handles. Despite the rough drawing the basket is decorated with vertical lines, a suggestion that even pots for "dirty work" may have been decorated. The kneeling worker is collecting the clay that the man with the pick is digging out. At the left is a worker handing a container of clay to the woman at the edge. The drawing of this figure is interesting because while the other workers have been depicted from a side view, his entire chest is visible despite his own sideways stance--an early attempt at 3/4 view. There is a suspended vase that is depicted prominently in the center of the scene; it is probably full of drinking water for the workers. It looks like a hydria, held at the two side handles by a rope and with the back handle appearing over the top of the vase. As Sarantis Symeonoglou noted, the rope holding the hydria is painted between the two holes of the pinax, which in turn would have been hung from a rope. Thus, the painted rope holding the hydria would have been continued in the real rope used to suspend the pinax. This hydria is a representative image because it is appears to be unattached even though it is hanging; it is probably shown to indicate that digging clay was hard work and required liquid refreshment.

After the clay was removed from the pit, it was taken to a settling basin. Settling basins were large pools of water mixed with clay and they served a number of purposes (plate 4.)14 First, they acted as filtering agents. Impurities in the clay were generally heavier than the pure clay particles so they sunk to the bottom of the pits. A peptizing agent may have been added to the basins to facilitate the separation of the clay; modern potters sometimes use Borax for this purpose. A second purpose settling basins served was that they provided an arena for aging the clay. The older clay is, the more plastic or "set" it becomes, and the more responsive it is to manipulation. Weathering clay in a settling basin thus improves its structure for throwing and forming shapes. Modern potters sometimes add beer or vinegar to their reclaim buckets to speed the process.

When the clay had been filtered and aged sufficiently, it was removed from the settling bin and laid out to dry. After it had hardened enough to hold its shape, it could be stored or used to make pots. In order for a potter to make a pot, first he had to select the amount of clay to be used based on the form he intended to make, and second he had to wedge, or knead the clay in preparation for throwing it on the wheel. Wedging eliminates air bubbles and gives the clay a unified consistency; it also aligns the clay particles and makes the process of throwing easier. There are no definite images on pots of wedging clay or preparing it for use on the wheel. The next step, depicted on the Greek vases, is the process of spinning the wheel and throwing a pot.

The potter's wheel used by the ancient Greeks was built of wood, stone, or fired clay and was approximately two feet in diameter.15 It was balanced on a pivot underneath and spun manually. Some wheels had notches on their sides for easier regulation of speed. Wheels were slow at first and improved gradually. Many depictions of potter's apprentices spinning wheels exist. One black-figure fragment in Athens (No. 853) of what Beazley thought was a 'one piece' amphora shows the bottom half of a man, sitting on a stool or cushion with vertical line decoration (plate 5.)16 This decoration clarifies that the stool is behind the man, probably an apprentice; in black-figure painting such differentiation was difficult to achieve. He is spinning the wheel with both hands, his right hand still on the wheel, his left reaching towards it. This is a common image and it can be assumed that a potter was probably at this man's left working on a vase. While the wheel was the machine for forming the finest Greek vases, it should be noted that coiling was used as a building method in Athens even after the existence of the wheel. Coiled, unglazed pots were used for everyday domestic use; some large pithoi used for storage were built by hand or, as some scholars believe, by using a wooden mold.

The methods of making various pots on the wheel differed according to their shapes and sizes. Simpler shapes were thrown in one piece, others were thrown in sections. As Joseph Noble so eloquently put it, the "use of the vase dictated its shape, (while the) shape indicated (the) method of construction."17 One fragment of another black-figure Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (no. 869) that depicts a pot being thrown may seem simpler than it is (plate 6.)18 The hands of a potter are visible, as well as the wheel and the object on which he is working. What is interesting is the shape of the object, because it is the only such shape among all of the images of the pottery-making process. The potter has his hands on either side of the pot. Either he is throwing the bottom part of a pot, or he is throwing a large open form "off the hump." Throwing off the hump allows a potter to make a number of forms from a large piece of centered clay. It is a faster production method and eliminates the need to get a new piece of clay and center it for each pot. Since many vases indicate that the foot was thrown separately from the body of the vase, this image probably shows a potter working off the hump. Because there is a limited number of Greek vase forms, it seems evident that Greek potters worked harder at perfecting the forms they knew rather than introducing new ones. This technique could have been very useful when making numerous, similar forms.

A fragment of a red-figure skyphos in Athens depicts a workman bending to remove what Beazley thinks is a section of a vase--he suggests that it is either the stand of a nuptial lebes thrown upside down or the body of a loutrophoros (plate 7.)19 Removing a large thrown vase or section from the wheel after it has been made requires a gentle touch and the drawing of the workman's extended, careful fingers reflects this. If this is, as Beazley suggests, a section of a vase, it will be allowed to dry to nearly leather-hard condition and then joined with slip, a mixture of wet clay, to another section which will then be turned and smoothed on the wheel.

One image on a black-figure Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 885) may show a worker joining sections of a pot (plate 8.)20 The drawing, however, is very rough and Richter notes that what is depicted may not even be a potter. A man stands in front of a tall, round object with his hands on it. This may be the foot and body of a vase in progress. On the ground nearby is another large object--possibly a stool or even the neck and lip of the vase. What seems to clarify that this is a potter is an object on the right side, which is attached to a wall. This looks like a herm which keeps away bad spirits during a firing. If it is a herm, it may be attached to the kiln itself, but its presence indicates that this is a potter at work.

On a red-figure calyx krater in the Museo Civico in Caltagirone, Italy, a potter is working on what Beazley thought was a column krater (plate 9.)21 Richter thought that the vase in process was a stamnos.22 Beazley's idea seems correct--the lip of the vase is extended to the shoulder like a column krater whereas on a stamnos the opening at the top is not as large and the lip only reaches halfway across the shoulder of the pot. Also, the slope of the belly walls is less rounded than a stamnos usually is--their slope here also suggests that this is a column krater. The potter is standing and the krater is fairly complete in its thrown form. The potter's position is unusual--he is only using one hand on the vase as he watches it intently, with his left hand resting on his thigh. Several explanations have been given for his position. Because of the vase form's finished appearance, the potter is probably not making the shape anymore; Beazley is definitive and says "whatever he is doing, he cannot be throwing the vase."23 Richter suggests that the vase is being re-centered, which would be necessary if the vase had been thrown in sections. If that is the case, the potter has probably just finished joining the neck and lip to the body of the vase and is smoothing out and finishing the joint line. However, it is also possible that the potter has just finished throwing the krater and is smoothing or spongeing off the rim. An apprentice is spinning the wheel for the potter, again with two hands; he is sitting on a block with concave sides which is decorated with horizontal lines. Beazley notes that the stool is colored with a brown wash (invisible in this reproduction) that is also used on the wheel head and pivot and he suggests that it is made of clay. A column behind the potter indicates a building which houses the studio. To the right of the potter and apprentice, Athena looks on, overseeing the work of the craftsman.

In the throwing and forming processes clay goes through a number of stages. It is wet when it is made into a pot. After the form is made, it is removed from the wheel and set aside to dry. The pot reaches a stage called leather-hard, where it can be held without changing its form and it can be carved without flaking. At the leather-hard stage, the base is trimmed and the foot and handles can be added. The vase is then allowed to dry again after which it is decorated. After the decoration has been added, the pot is left to dry completely until it reaches an extremely fragile stage referred to as bone-dry. At this point it is mostly devoid of water and can be placed in the kiln.

Some vases depict activities during the leather-hard stage. A Corinthian black-figure pinax in the Louvre shows a potter working at the wheel while he propels it himself (plate 10.)24 He is incising lines on a pot with a long, pointed tool. Two jugs which look like hydriai hang above him--they also have the incised lines on them. In fact, almost everything depicted is incised with double line patterns, from the wheel iself, to the potter's clothing, to his stool. In front of the potter is a mound which consists of stacked plates, according to Richter. Because of the irregularity of the shape, however, it may be a mound of wet clay. This is an important image because it shows two things: first, the wheel is being used as a turntable, and second, a potter is incising lines on a pot before it has been fired. There has been some disagreement about when this incising process took place--before or after the firing. This picture helps to clarify that the activity did occur before the firing although it does not rule out the possibility of incising afterwards.

Another image which depicts an activity during the leather hard stage is a rough drawing on a black-figure kylix in the British Museum (No. B432) (plate 11.)25 It shows a potter attaching handles to a kylix. The potter has a cloak hanging from his shoulder and is using one hand to attach a handle to the cup which is standing on a block on the wheel. The drawing is so rough that the potter's other hand and arm are incised and barely visible as anatomical parts--they look like his belt. A shelf above the potter contains four cups like the one on which the potter is working and another form which Beazley thought was a jug. Shelves in these scenes usually hold completed pots for drying and sometimes echo the pots that are being made.

After a vase has been thrown and any additions attached it can be burnished. The ancient Greeks probably used a stone or cloth to buff the surface of a vase, smoothing any irregularities from the forming process and compacting the clay particles. This finishing process occured before any painting was done and helped to enhance the gloss of the surface decoration after a pot was fired. The interior of a red-figure kylix by a follower of Douris in the Berlin Museum (No. 2542) demonstrates this technique (plate 12.)26 A boy is sitting with a cup in his hand, his himation down around his waist. Richter thinks he is holding a kotyle and suggests that he is removing surplus clay after the handles have been attached. She bases her theory on the color of the cup in the boy's hand: "for the vase is as yet unglazed and is left in the red color of the clay, in contrast to the black kotyle and oinochoe on the stand close by."27 This does not seem logical, for there is a tool in the boy's left hand which suggests that he is not removing clay but rather burnishing the pot. Plate 11 demonstrated that handles were attached on the wheel, or at least in the workshop environment. The worker depicted here is sitting in a neater space. The shelves look like they are meant for a display and the pots on them are carefully rendered. The black color of these pots could indicate a number of things: that they are in the background, that they have been painted, or that they have been fired and finished. Either way, the worker is among pots that are beyond the stage of construction and is probably burnishing the cup in his hand.

The rest of the preserved images pertain to decorating and firing processes. The technical expertise that Greek potters and vase painters possessed is still elusive to modern scholars who attempt to recreate them. Through analysis of the composition of the clay and "glazes" of Attic pots, as well as technical errors that have been preserved on them, it has been possible to understand the process despite an inability to duplicate it. The black decoration on the pots in both black and red-figured ware was not a "glaze" as the term is generally understood today. In modern terms it is closer to a "slip," "engobe" or "terra sigillata;" solutions of wet clay which can be colored with various oxides. The Greeks were so skilled at controlling their processes that their engobe, as I will refer to it, was not colored when it was made, but turned black in the firing process. The term "glaze" is confusing and inadequate. The use of glaze today involves a two-part firing process, where its application occurs after a pot has been fired once to remove all excess moisture to a stage called "bisque." Greek pots were only fired once, and the application of the engobe occurred while the clay was still in the "greenware" state. Also, glazes today contain silica, which melts at high temperatures to form a glassy surface. The addition of silica to a glaze requires that pots be separated in the firing or else they will stick to eachother when the glaze cools. The engobe on Attic pots never melted, and therefore allowed for the stacking of pots in the kiln.

In imagining the process of decorating an Attic pot, it must be remembered that the engobe, when applied, did not differ substantially in color from the surface of the pot to which it was applied since they were made from the same clay body. It was therefore difficult for a vase-painter to know what had been painted and what had not, and some vases exist which show mistakes in this process. Noble suggests that vegetable coloring might have been added to an engobe to aid in differentiation, and the coloring would have burned out in the firing.28 Not only does this make sense from a technical point of view, but if we are to believe the images of the pottery-making process, some of them clearly show that the painter is painting onto a pot's surface in black.

There is some discussion and disagreement about how a design was applied to a vase, since some of the very complicated designs must have been worked out before the designated object was used. Beazley queried:
What was the nature of the preparatory sketches or studies which the artist must have made before executing the complex decoration of a great vase? Every figure, of course, on a red-figured vase was incised with a bluntish point on the vase itself before the painting began; but this was no more than a preliminary blocking-in. It is conceivable that, between this incised sketch and the painting, the design may have been carried out in a volatile material which disappeared in the subsequent firing.29

R.M. Cook also thinks that a hard instrument was used for preliminary work on a vase, since, as he notes:
In many red-figure paintings, if they are turned to catch the light, the preliminary lines are visible as slight depressions in the surface. If, as may be expected, the sketch was reinforced by some pigment, it was a pigment that disappeared in firing; not only does no trace of it survive, but also the final drawing does not exactly follow the preliminary sketch.30
It is also possible that unfired clay tablets were used to work out drawing plans and then discarded. A clay tablet might have been the ideal way to practice since it was the same medium and technique which was used on a vase. It was difficult to remedy any mistakes--damp engobe could have been removed by a sponge or wet cloth and dry engobe could have been removed by scraping. On some vases, there are incised patterns that were covered over with engobe as mistakes but after the firing became evident again.31

Before any decorating took place, however, a coat of yellow-ochre was applied to the entire vase. This intensified the reddish color of the clay as well as the gloss of the engobe after firing. Noble thinks that vases were burnished before and after this application of yellow ochre because the iron oxide in the ochre polished to a high sheen and was essential in yielding the shiny surface of the black glaze after firing.32 After the ochre wash was applied, then the vase-painter marked out the composition by incising lines and possibly by using some sort of charcoal or pencil that burned out in the firing. Until about 530 BC, the figures and decorations were painted with the engobe so they turned black in the firing. After 530 BC, the process was reversed and the figures or decorations were outlined in the engobe so that the background turned black but they remained red. A number of "bilingual" vases exist which have both examples of red and black figure technique on them. In later red-figure the introduction of reds, whites, purples and yellows was added to the surfaces of the vases. Around the middle of the 6th century BC, Attic relief lines were employed to block in a design. Relief lines were made with very thick applications of engobe and they protruded slightly from the surface of the vase. The relief line was used very little in black-figure but often in red-figure ware, where it was commonly used to define forms and patterns.
A red-figure kylix by the Antiphon painter in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (No. 01.8073) depicts the use of an instrument that may have been used to create the Attic relief-line (plate 13.)33 The kylix shows a young vase painter with his himation at his waist. He is holding a kylix sideways by its foot and using a small brush to paint it. In his left hand he is holding a tool that is thin and pointed at the end. Beazley suggests that it may be a wooden tool to incise the first sketch. Noble suggests that it may be a piece of charcoal or lead for drawing a sketch, or, more interestingly, he thinks it may be a relief line instrument. He supports his theory about the characteristics of such a tool with his own attempts to duplicate a relief line. He writes:

The tool for producing the line has to be capable of drawing a long line without a break...the quantity of matter (engobe) needed to achieve a continuous six inch relief line is considerable...a relief line similar to the ancient relief line can be produced by extruding or trailing the glaze from a small syringe...the drawing instrument used by the Attic vase-painters was probably composed of a tapered nozzle made of bronze, bone, or ivory pierced with a very fine hole. To this nozzle a short piece of animal intestine filled with the (engobe) must have been attached. The end of the intestine section, away from the nozzle, would have been tied so that it could be easily opened in order to add glaze matter as needed. The nozzle would have been held by the vase-painter in his fingers with the intestine tube section in the palm of the hand. The other fingers would have been used to press against this tube gently so as to force the extrusion of the glaze as required. I believe that the object held in the left hand of the vase-painter shown on the Boston kylix may be a representation of such a drawing instrument.34

Since there is no other depiction of such a tool in other images of potters or vase-painters at work, there is little chance for comparison. Symeonoglou suggested that the instrument may be a tool used to erase mistakes as the vase-painter worked; an idea that clarifies the reason this painter would be holding two tools at once. On this kylix, it is also interesting to note, as Beazley has, that the potter's walking stick, oil bottle and strigil (used for scraping moisture off the skin) are depicted behind him. To Beazley, they are symbols of "the painter's independence and point forward to the time when he will be free--shortly before sunset I wash, I dress, I take my stick, and you don't see me again till the morning."35 That such symbols exist on pots and may be understood in such a manner illustrates how storytelling is integrated into these depicted images. This kylix becomes a place for the vase-painter to give the user a sense of his life--to immortalize himself in the eyes of whoever picks up his cup.

Illustrations of vase-painters never show them painting figures; only patterns or black, solid areas. A black-figure Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 868) though only a fragment, shows a vase-painter painting black bands onto a column krater (plate 14.)36 The fragment demonstrates again the use of the wheel as a turntable. In this case it aided the painter in making even and continuous horizontal lines. The fragment also demonstrates that a vase-painter using the wheel in such a manner spun the wheel himself, presumably to have complete control of the speed during the delicate painting process.

The processes I have discussed so far have been depicted in scenes where individuals are at work, but they also occur on a number of vases as parts of workshop scenes. In the images of pottery workshops that we have, the tasks of forming the vases on the wheel and of painting them are divided between potters and vase-painters. Sometimes one person both made and decorated a vase, but that was not the usual arrangement. Usually, a potter made the ware and had several painters to decorate his output. Noble estimates that Attic pottery workshops usually had from two to twelve workers, averaging between four and six.37

Some workshop scenes, like that on a red-figure kylix in Athens by the Euergides painter (No. 166,) illustrate more than just pottery-making (plate 15.)38 This scene shows a vase-painter, metalsmiths and sculptors. In the middle of the scene, a vase-painter is sitting in front of a wheel, painting a kylix that sits on a low block. A woman steps toward him to crown him while Athena sits in front of him. In addition to the depicted vase-painter are metalworkers to his right and sculptors to his left. The metalworkers are employing a hammer and bellows; more of their tools hang above them, including a helmet. The sculptors are working on a horse and appear to be straining in their work. Whether or not such a combination of the arts actually took place under one roof is disputable and improbable based on the technical and spatial requirements for each one. This cup celebrates all of the crafts at once and the images in it help to distinguish among the tools of the various craftsmen.

A red-figure bell krater by the Komaris painter in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, depicts an active pottery workshop (plate 16.)39 This image is interesting because, like the Boston kylix by the Antiphon painter (plate 13,) the pots that are depicted are the same as the one on which they are painted. Perhaps the painter intended to illustrate the process that brought this particular piece into being. At the left of the scene a painter is sitting on a diphros, wearing an exomis and painting a bell-krater which is resting with its lip on his knee while he supports it with his left hand inside. He is painting the lower portion of the vase black. On a low stool at his right sits a skyphos "paint-pot" with engobe in it. Another worker, wearing a cloak of heavy material is carrying a bell-krater by the handles while looking back towards the painter. This krater is different from the one that the painter is working on which has lugs, instead of handles. The krater being carried has probably already been fired because an unfired, greenware pot would not have been carried this way by the handles. It would have been too heavy and the handles would have broken when it was lifted. Hussong has said that leather-hard pots would have been strong enough to be lifted by their handles but that is disputable.40 Today, even with very grainy clay, unfired pots are much too delicate for transport by their handles--especially larger pots. A column to the right of this worker again indicates the inside structure of the workshop and to the right of the column another worker looks back holding a skyphos by the foot. Beazley suggests that he is going to get more engobe for the painter and since most of the images we have of workshops and painters show two paint-pots on a stool at once, this is probably true. Also depicted are some hanging objects which Beazley identifies as a sieve for the engobe (near the column), a brush box (above the painter) and a skyphos (probably for drinking.)41

A black-figure hydria by the Leagros group in Munich (No. 1717) is decorated with a scene of a pottery workshop that includes potters and a kiln (plates 17-19.)42 A potter is standing and working on a large vase as his apprentice turns the wheel. Above the apprentice is a set of calipers, tools used to measure the opening of a vase to determine the size of a lid. To the left of the potter is a seated worker who is being handed an amphora--the only vase in this scene that is depicted with handles and a certain amount of finish and detail. Only the head of the man handing over the vase remains. Beazley suggests that the seated worker is receiving the vase for inspection.43 Another possibility is that the worker will burnish or polish the piece, much like the seated worker in the red-figure kylix by a follower of Douris in the Berlin Museum (No. 2542) (plate 12.) A workman to the right of the potter is carrying a large vase towards the kiln and two other similar vases sit on the floor nearby, one with its top pointed forward. These four vases--the one on the wheel, the one being carried, and those sitting on the floor--are all roughly drawn. Beazley thinks that they are storage pithoi that will not be glazed and if this is the case, this image shows us that both decorated vases and rougher utilitarian ware were produced in one setting.44 A column in the middle of the scene indicates the building that houses the workshop. To the right of the column is an older man dressed in a himation with a staff--he is probably an old master supervising the scene. On the vase itself the master has long white hair; a detail that is not visible in the reproduction. Closer to the kiln a worker is straining under the weight of a parcel on his shoulder, the content of which is probably fuel for the kiln. At this workman's feet is a pile of branches which will also be used in the kiln. The usual fuel used to fire the ancient Greek kilns was wood. At the extreme right of this scene is a worker stoking the kiln with a long pole. The kiln is only partly shown, and is ornamented with a herm. Herms that are truer to the sense of the word are visible on a black-figure skyphos by the Theseus painter in the Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, (see plates 23-24) since they stand on pillars and are more like independent statues whereas this one is attached directly to the kiln.

One of the stranger depictions of pottery establishments is a rough sketch on a Boeotian black-figured skyphos (plate 20.)45 This silhouette drawing shows the master of the workshop (as he has been referred to by both Beazley and Richter) sitting on a block with a kylix in his left hand. Beazley suggests that the master may be a woman because of the depiction of the hair which seems styled and tied with a fillet at the back of the head.46 Behind the master is a shelf with a kantharos and a skyphos, and to his right are three stacked skyphoi. The master is looking toward a worker with three similarly-stacked skyphoi and, according to Blümner, threatening him with a piece of cloth or leather--the worker is protecting his rear with his left hand. Beazley disagrees and suggests that the object in the air may simply be a wicker fan to with which to dust pots.47 Judging from the action in the image, and the bizarre scene to the right of the master, another explanation seems necessary. At the right are three naked workmen, one of whom is sitting frontally looking at a skyphos. In front of him is a wheel with a skyphos paint-pot and a brush in it. Above him a worker is slung to the ceiling with cords at his ankles, neck, wrists and penis. His tongue is protruding while another worker beats him. Richter sums up the scene best: "The workmanship is very crude, and if it is a product of the pottery establishment which it depicts, it is a fair sample of the work we might expect from a place run on such methods."48

On a red-figure hydria by the Leningrad painter in the Torno Collection, Milan, called by some "The Caputi Hydria" because of its previous existence in the Caputi collection, another workshop scene is illustrated (plates 21-22.)49 The workshop scene wraps around the shoulder of the hydria and only a small border design below it continues the decoration--the rest of the vase is black. Athena is in the process of crowning a vase-painter sitting on a klismos with his himation down around his waist. He is painting a large kantharos which is tipped up on his lap and which shows no sign of decoration yet--only the brush in his right hand and the fingers of his left hand are visible. To his right are two skyphos paint-pots, the one on the right has a lid resting against it. In front of the painter there is another large kantharos with an oinochoe in it. The oinochoe body is "reeded" or fluted. To this painter's left a second painter, in the nude, is painting a volute krater which sits on a small block. He sits on a plain stool and also has two skyphoi beside him, the one on the left has a lid on it. He is being crowned by a Nike. To the right of this main group is another boy who is sitting on a low stool decorating a calyx-krater which is tilted on a cusion--he is working on the palmettes around the handles and is also being crowned by a Nike. On the extreme right, a woman is sitting on a stool with a cover on it; she is working on a volute krater. Her stool stands on a dais. She is wearing a chiton, with chords holding up her sleeves and is wearing a himation over it which folds at her waist. A kantharos and an oinochoe hang above her and they are probably there for drinking purposes in the workshop. Although hanging pots in workshop scenes may have been used to drink from, Beazley suggests that they might have been for sale.50 No scholar, however, has suggested the idea that models of shapes and patterns might have hung in workshops as tools of reference, or even that painters and potters might keep some of their work nearby to designate their working space. Since these hanging pots are not large in size and are hung so far away from the main activity of this scene, it might be possible that they were not used for drinking but were items for sale or reference.

There has been a lot of discussion about this vase, much of which is contradictory. The scene is unusual for a number of reasons. First, the degree of detail of the depicted pots is quite high--the vases are embellished with patterns and lines that do not occur in other scenes. Second, the scene is very active--Athena and two Nikai are crowning the workers as they perform their tasks. And third, this is one of the rare images where a woman is actually shown working on a vase. There is some disagreement as to whether or not this scene really shows a pottery workshop or whether it is, as Richard Green suggests, a metal-working shop. Green notes a number of details that suggest the vessels are made of metal. He observes that the handles join the vessels in a flourish, and does not think that they would have protruded this way in a clay vessel. He asks:

Would a vase-painter when dealing with his own subject deliberately draw things which he knew would never actually appear--for instance the elaboration round the outside of the handles of the volute-krater, when pottery examples, particularly at this date, confine the elaboration to the inside where it would not so easily be broken off? In this position at the bottom of the handle, one normally finds snakes on bronze vessels and and at a similar angle, for instance on the Vix krater or on the bronze handle in the British Museum.51

Green accounts for the skyphos paint pots by suggesting that they contain an adhesive base for gold leaf or some compound used to add gold ornament to other metals. This seems like a hopeful explanation on his part, since these paint pots are so evident in other pottery scenes. The workers quite clearly have brushes and the areas on which they are working are outlined in black, suggesting they are working with engobe. Green also suggests that the vases are metal based on the appearance of Athena and the Nikai, since as he says: "I think it is fairly safe to assume that if the gods are imagined as using anything, they use metal vessels, and so, if we have pictures of deities using vessels which look like metal, it is probable that they are metal."52 The appearance of Athena in the red-figure calyx-krater in the Museo Civico, Caltagirone (plate 9) refutes this point, because that image is clearly of a potter working with a clay vessel on the wheel. A last point Green makes is:

The painter has made his intention clear in emphasizing the size of the vessels and the elaboration with which they have been made--and the bottom of the handle does seem to have played an important part in the decoration. Another minor point which may be worth noticing is that not one of the pieces has a figure-scene; all show palmettes and spirals if anything.53

As for the figure-scene theory, as noted before, none of the depictions of vase painters at work show painters engaged in figurative work. They are either depicted blacking in areas or working on designs. The emphasis on grandiosity in this piece is certainly not limited to the detail of the vessels. If one looks at the drapery of Athena's dress or the elegance of the main vase-painter's chair, or the detail of the wreath in the vase-painter's hair, it is clear that the whole vase is elaborate in style. Many of the best ancient Greek vases are technically masterful exercises in style. This vase can simply be considered among one of the Leningrad painter's great paintings. Beazley's suggestion that this vase might be considered as a wish-picture also seems valid--he notes that there is a dreamlike quality in the vase which is supported by a few observations. First, the rare woman is depicted. Second, the vessels are of evident high quality. And third, the workers are being crowned for their efforts.54 It would have to be a great and unusual workshop to receive this kind of acclaim and the existence of Athena and the woman painter further indicate its uniqueness.

All of the images up to this point deal with the making and decorating of pots to prepare them for the last stage of firing. Greek vases were only fired once and the single firing was broken up into three phases: oxidation, reduction, and reoxidation. In the first phase of the firing, both the vase and the engobe were exposed to oxygen in an open kiln, turning them both red. In the second phase, a vent-hole at the top of the kiln was closed, permitting no oxygen to enter and creating an environment rich in smoke and carbon. This reduction phase turned both the vase and the engobe black. The last phase, reoxidation, involved opening the vent hole and reintroducing oxygen into the kiln environment. The undecorated body of the vase, at this point, turned red again. But the areas painted with the engobe remained black. The porosity of the clay body of the vase allowed oxygen to interact with the clay and change its color. The engobe, however, was made up of much finer particles and in reduction had "sintered", resulting in a thin quartz layer which prevented it from turning red again. These three phases required careful monitoring of the kiln's temperature, and the difficulty of the process is substantiated by the fact that nobody has been able to recreate it. Because the engobe did not melt, Greek vases could be stacked on top of eachother in a firing without sticking to each other.

The Greek kiln was a simple structure made of clay with a lower fire-chamber and an upper chamber that contained the pots. A low tunnel connected to the fire-chamber was used for stoking and adding fuel and a vent hole at the top allowed for the regulation of the kiln environment. A black-figure skyphos by the Theseus painter in the Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Massachusetts, called "Robinson's Kiln Skyphos" depicts a workshop scene with some disputable activities (plates 23-24.)55 The skyphos is unfortunately very fragmented and what it shows is not clear. Originally, the geometric shapes on the skyphos were believed to be kilns in the process of being built, but Michael Eisman disputes that theory. He notes that most depictions of kilns on pots and excavations of actual kilns have shown a dome-like structure, nothing like the linear forms on this skyphos. Eisman believes that the forms are structures for the preparation of raw clay--settling basins. He writes:

The different types of stippling incision strongly suggest two stages of purification comparable to the effects of the settling basins...the hatching would indicate layers or slabs of clay, and the men with baskets would be adding or removing clay. On side A, the mass might be the other settling basin; the man in the center appears to be standing in it wedging the clay with his bare feet while the man with the basket adds or removes clay.56

It is also possible that the structures are simply storage containers for clay or places to wedge it--perhaps the Greeks wedged all of their clay with their feet since the figures in the image seem to be standing in the structures.
The images which clearly depict the firing processes are found on numerous Corinthian pinakes which date between 650-550 BC. One black-figure pinax in the Louvre shows a man stoking a kiln (plate 25.)57 The naked worker is bending over with a long pole moving the fuel that is shown at the kiln's mouth. The kiln pictured is in an oxidizing phase since ashes are visible spouting from the top. Another black-figure pinax in the Berlin Museum (no. 616) shows a worker climbing onto a kiln with a tool to shut the vent hole in order to begin the reduction phase (plate 26.)58 A third pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 909B) is a close-up of a worker at the top of a kiln with his hook to close the vent hole (plate 27)59 and a fourth pinax in Berlin (No. 802B) shows a potter mounting a ladder on a large kiln to close the vent hole (plate 28.)60 This pinax is the only one that shows a worker with any clothing and here it is only a hat. The temperatures near the kilns must have been quite hot and clothing was probably bothersome. It must have also been a fire hazard. Another fragment of a pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 827B) shows a potter standing on top of the stoking tunnel while the kiln is in reduction (plate 29.)61 This is evident because the fire is emanating from the mouth of the kiln, which means that the gases and flames can no longer escape at the top. A final pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 611) demonstrates, according to Noble, the last phase of reoxidation, with a worker shaking up the fire (plate 30.)62 Noble may be right that this is a reoxidation phase but it seems it could also be the first oxidation phase with the worker stoking the kiln, much like the worker in the pinax in the Louvre (plate 25.)

One noteworthy Corinthian pinax in the Berlin Museum (No. 893) shows the interior of an Attic kiln (plate 31.)63 R.M. Cook has reconstructed the part of the kiln that is not depicted (plate 32.)64 In both images, the vases are spaciously stacked in different positions in the round chamber of the kiln. The pots are separated from what is known today as the firebox, or the place where the fuel is added to be burned, by linear channels which allow the heat to rise. The embers of the wood are shown at the left. Noble notes that in a true firing the pots would have been much closer together and more carefully stacked but that here the artist wanted to show their shapes.65 The ancient Greeks must have paid close attention to the way they stacked their ware in the kiln because of the difficulties of firing with wood. Modern potters use wood-firing as a technique which allows the kiln itself to glaze the pots. Wood ash will melt at high temperatures and fuse onto a pot's surface, producing beautiful though unpredictable patterns. In order to regulate a firing with wood, the Greek potters had to be well-skilled at keeping the ash from dirtying their pots and at positioning the ware so that it would benefit from an even firing. The waves of heat that modern, regulated gas kilns produce still create uneven firing environments within one kiln and in the unmechanized, Greek kilns the task of regulation must have been that much more difficult.

The Greeks had a number of methods which they used to judge the temperature of their kilns. In plate the Berlin pinax (No. 893) (plate 31,) at the top of the kiln chamber, are two test-pieces with holes that were used to judge the progress of the firing and the temperature of the kiln. Some of these "draw pieces" have been preserved and contain sketches in engobe that would have revealed the stage of the firing upon withdrawal. Noble also suggests that experienced potters would have been able to judge the temperature of the kiln based on the color of the fire inside. They could view the fire by looking through a spy-hole in the door of the kiln, one of which is visible in the Berlin pinax (No. 802B) (plate 28.) From modern experiments, he has estimated that Greek kilns were fired at temperatures between 800 and 950 degrees centigrade.66

Many things could have gone wrong in the firings and some mistakes exist on recovered Attic pottery.67 Inconsistent temperature ranges could have caused color variations--some parts of extant vases remained red because they did not reach a high enough temperature to sinter. Temperatures that were too high often caused blue or irridescent surfaces on the black engobe. Sometimes the positioning of pots caused undesirable marks or rings on them from contact with others. Thin applications of engobe sometimes left streaks. The vases which still exist today with evidence of such mistakes are few in number; it is probable that unsuccessful vases were destroyed upon removal from the kiln.

The images of ancient Greek potters, vase-painters and pottery establishments on ancient Greek vases provide scholars with a wealth of information about the techniques and processes used by the craftsmen who made them. They also furnish insights about the interior workings of pottery workshops and the lives of potters and vase-painters. It is fortunate that the vases which bear these scenes have been recovered for they depict almost every pottery-making process known to modern potters. Imagery relating to the other crafts is not nearly as profuse as that of pottery production. The existence of so many scenes about pottery emphasizes its import to the culture that created and used it. Some of the vases which sport these scenes are represented in the scenes themselves; a vase therefore became an arena for a vase-painter to tell a visual story about how it was created. Although the techniques required to produce such fine pots involved many risks, those that have been recovered exemplify the ancient Greeks' technical mastery of their medium.

Notes

1. For further information consult Joseph V. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery (New York: Watson-Guptill Publications, 1965), D.C. Kurtz (ed.), Greek Vases: Lectures by J.D. Beazley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989) and G.M.A. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923.) Sir John Beazley has done the most comparative work on inscriptions; see also his Attic Black-Figure Vase Painters, Attic Red-Figure Vase Painters and Paralipomena. Richter and Noble both illustrate their attempts to replicate Attic ceramic techniques. Richter includes a description of recovered equipment. Noble reports on chemical tests done to determine similarities between ancient and contemporary materials.
2. Kurtz, p. 39.
3. For further information about the chronology and stylistic prowess of Attic vase- painters consult Sir John Beazley's Attic Black-Figure Vase Painters, Attic Red- Figure Vase Painters and Paralipomena.
4. Gisela Richter is the only scholar who included the gems as a part of her study in The Craft of Athenian Pottery. She also discusses the stelae, as do Noble (The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery) and Beazley (Kurtz [ed.] Greek Vases: Lectures by J.D. Beazley.)
5. R.M. Cook, Greek Painted Pottery (London: Methuen and Co., 1960), p. 274. Cook arrives at this estimate by calculating the average working life of a painter (25 years) as they relate to the most productive years of the pottery industry. He suggests that the average number of vase-painters working at any given time should not have exceeded 125.
6. For more detailed information about the pottery trade consult R.M. Cook, Greek Painted Pottery, D.P.S. Peacock (ed.) Pottery and Early Commerce and T.B.L. Webster, Potter and Patron in Classical Athens.
7. Antike Denkmäler, I, pl. 8, 3a; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, pp. 82-3, fig. 86.
8. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, pp.82-3.
9. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 82, fig. 85
10. Cook, p. 274.
11. For further information on the chemical composition of clays, see Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, pp. 1-3, 33.
12. For further information consult Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery and Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery.
13. Antike Denkmäler, I, pl. 8, 7; Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, fig. 75.
14. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, fig. 77. Consult p. 33 for more information on settling basins and their use.
15. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 7.
16. ABV 147.7; Kurtz, pl. 25.1; Beazley Addenda 41.
17. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 11.
18. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 66, fig. 59.
19. Kurtz, pl. 29.4, p. 44.
20. Antike Denkmäler, I, pl. 8, 14B; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 69, fig. 63.
21. Kurtz, pl. 29.1, pp. 44-5.
22. Ibid. Richter's discussion is included as correspondance with Beazley.
23. Kurtz, p. 45.
24. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, pp. 67-8, fig. 62; Gazette Archéologique, VI, 1880, p. 106, 3a.
25. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 61; Kurtz, p. 40.
26. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, fig. 204; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 64; Kurtz, p. 42, note 30.
27. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 70.
28. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 53.
29. Kurtz, p. 57.
30. Cook, p. 244.
31. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 54. Noble's discussion of these mistakes is quite extensive and a good reference for further information on the subject.
32. Ibid., p. 31.
33. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 67; ARV2,342.19; Kurtz, p. 42, note 26, Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, fig. 208.
34. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 57.
35. Kurtz, p. 57.
36. Antike Denkmäler, I, pl. 8, 18; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 69, p. 73.
37. Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, p. 7.
38. ARV 92.64; Kurtz, pl. 25.2, p. 41; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 68.
39. R.M. Dawkins, "Three New Vases in the Ashmolean Museum," Journal of Hellenic Studies (Vol. 28, 1908); Kurtz, p. 45; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 70.
40. G.M.A. Richter, "Review of doctoral dissertation 'Zur Technik der attischen Gefäszkeramik von Ludwig Hussong'," American Journal of Archaeology (Vol. 86, 1932), p. 84.
41. Kurtz, p. 45.
42. ABV 362.36; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 58, pp. 64-5; Kurtz, pl. 26.1; Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery, figs. 73, 78, 230 and pp. 7, 53, 72.
43. Kurtz, p. 40.
44. Ibid.
45. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 75, fig. 71; Kurtz, p. 46.
46. Kurtz, p. 46.
47. Ibid.
48. Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, p. 75.
49. ARV 376; Noble, The Techniques of Painted Attic Pottery; fig. 74, Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 66; Kurtz, p. 43, note 34; Richard Green, "The Caputi Hydria," Journal of Hellenic Studies (Vol. 81, 1961), pl. VI.I.
50. Kurtz, p. 43.
51. Green, "The Caputi Hydria," p. 73.
52. Ibid., p. 74.
53. Ibid., p. 75.
54. Kurtz, p. 43.
55. Michael M. Eisman and Lucy Turnbull, "Robinson's Kiln Skyphos," American Journal of Archaeology (Vol. 82, 1978), p. 396.
56. Ibid., p. 398.
57. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 231; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 73.
58. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 232; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 75.
59. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 234; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 77.
60. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 233; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 74.
61. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 235; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 78.
62. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 236, p. 73; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 72.
63. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 237; Richter, The Craft of Athenian Pottery, fig. 80.
64. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, fig. 238.
65. Noble, p. 74.
66. Ibid., p. 75.
67. Noble, The Techniques of Attic Painted Pottery, pp. 79-83. Noble's discussion on these kiln mishaps is thorough and illustrated.

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